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In this issue: U.S. Armed Forces in The Middle East — Assault Force or Defensive Action?

Vol 4, Number 36 September 5, 1990

Regrettably, our Minister of Indian Affairs after repeatedly declaring he would not negotiate with a gun to his head, stood in front of an armed, masked, criminal dressed in battle fatigues and with pomp and ceremony, apparently signed a deal for the thug. That one armed "warrior" standing behind Thomas Siddon on the nation's TV screens may have become a beacon to every rowdy and terrorist who dreams of such power. That scene alone could make one pine for the days when a left-leaning Liberal Prime Minister had the guts to invoke martial law at the first sign of trouble.

How the hell could a gang of masked, misguided hooligans with automatic weapons run this country ragged for six whole weeks?

Manipulating the already restless indigenous peoples of the Oka area reservations, triggering nationwide civil disobedience and disrupting the lives of millions of Canadians, the so-called Mohawk "warriors" holed up in "The Pines" of the Kanasetake reserve in southern Quebec are criminals. They were indisputably lawbreakers committing summary offenses from the first minute that each member acquired prohibited weapons. Their use of those weapons against peace officers constituted not only an indictable criminal offense, but outright "armed rebellion" against the civil power. Their repeated urgings for nationwide action against civil powers, violating anti-sedition sections of the Criminal Code, put them in further contravention of Canadian law.

Both the Quebec and federal governments were ungraciously overtaken by an armed rebellion in Oka while the unprofessional handling of events by the Sureté de Quebec, a police force seemingly mindless of authority, brought further disgrace and generated an undying tension within the region.

The slow reaction of both the federal and Quebec governments has cost the country dearly. Now pending is further erosion of Canadian unity, civil disobedience, armed rebellion and disruption of law and order. The hurt that has been brought to the victimized local people whose emotions and lives were swept into this prolonged ordeal is felt across the country and around the world. Their lives have been affected indelibly.




A CAF peacekeeping solution to the Oka crisis was the only solution. CAF troops should have been summoned the moment trouble began, just as past Canadian Prime Ministers have sent our troops as peacekeepers to some of the hottest spots in the world: the Suez, Cypress, Viet Nam, Iran/Iraq, and others.

Blaming `racism' for the frustration of the Mohawk people and their neighbouring communities of Quebecers, all of whom have been pushed to their wits' end, is a cop out. Procrastination by two levels of government is truly at fault.

The protracted affair has allowed time for the region to draw every kind of outsider including: troublemakers and hoodlums who have brought more than a little undeserved disgrace to the locals, third-rate `wanna-be' reporters whose sometimes hysterical reporting and persistent quizzing of anyone with a feather has heightened anxieties, me-too Indian Chiefs (of which there seem to be more of than Indians), lawyers, politicians, and hordes of disgruntled SQ officers — all of whom have contributed deliberately or unwittingly to the creation of a seemingly hopeless mess by the time the military was mandated to restore the peace and return the area to normalcy.

Why did the federal government not summon troops the minute that machine guns and army fatigues appeared on the Oka scene? Were the Prime Minister's advisers afraid they might rock the boat in a province bent on independence? To hell with pampering Henri Bourassa. While Quebec or any part of it remain in Canada, Canadian law applies there. When heavily armed forces wearing green camouflage uniforms appear inside your nation's borders you pick up the damn phone and call in the army! If not on first sight then why was there no immediate action after local peace officers were overwhelmed at the expense of a constable's life — a young man whose expectant wife is left with a small child and one on the way.

At a time when the federal Minister of Justice has clamped down on illegal firearms one might expect prompt action against such an explosive and flagrant abuse of them. For some considerable time, intelligence reports available to both governments suggested the buildup of prohibited weapons in the Oka area. When trouble first erupted, it came in the form of masked men wearing army fatigues. They were brandishing modern assault rifles and heavy calibre automatic weapons. Surely to God that sight alone should have triggered the correct response. Only a modern army is trained to deal with such a heavily armed rebellion.

As anyone who has observed the Canadian Forces in the expert conduct of past peacekeeping activities could have predicted, the performance of Mobile Command in this ongoing crisis has been exceptionally effective, professional, and remarkably lacking in bloodshed. Lieutenant-General Kent Foster and Brigadier-General Armand Roy can be proud of their young officers and the serving men and women deployed in the Oka region south of Montreal.

Because of the third-rate, at times hysterical media reports coming from Oka, Canadians may be deceived into believing otherwise. Because of the veritable collapse of Mohawk leadership and the virtual piracy that has taken place in the communities of hundreds of innocent, vulnerable native people, the real root of this crisis may never be fully understood.

Hopefully the men and women who council our politicians have learned from this.

Micheal J. O'Brien


Most participants at the Farnborough show believe that despite Iraq's invasion of Kuwait on August 2, just one month prior to the start of the show, long-term defence orders will continue to decrease. Americans however, are convinced that the crisis will at least temporarily soften the blow that was about to be rendered to the U.S. defence budget.

Constant reminders of the current military crisis in the Persian Gulf are evident everywhere under the blue and white striped exhibition tents of the Farnborough air and trade show some 40 miles south of London, England. This large, biennial, international exhibition is the scene of trade displays of every western weapon system present in the Gulf region. Another reminder of the Gulf crisis is the absence of the F-117A stealth fighter which was to have been the star attraction in daily flying displays this week.

Commercial aerospace business may offset drooping defence orders for firms like Boeing and McDonnell Douglas which supply both defence and commercial markets. Boeing expects record production of 381 commercial planes this year. A $6 billion order from Asiana Airlines, a new South Korean carrier, was confirmed by Boeing at the air show Monday morning. In the afternoon, Airbus Industrie announced a $350 million deal with the Australian airliner, Ansett. Airbus also announced its first profitable year since the European consortium of aircraft manufacturers and engine makers was founded in 1970.

By August, Airbus had firm orders for a total 1,558 aircraft worth more than $95 billion. Total deliveries had reached 609 worth $30.6 billion. Airbus said its order backlog is 949 aircraft and that it plans to double its production capacity to 21 aircraft a month by 1995. It forecast a total world jet aircraft market of 12,500, worth $700 billion by the year 2008. See The Wednesday Report, August 29, page 10 for a complete guide to Canadian participation at Farnborough, September 2-9.


The Wednesday Report - Copyright 1990

September 5, 1990


Computing Devices' Derry Thompson modestly states that the Canadian Towed Array Sonar System (CANTASS) "appears to be superior to other similar systems in western navies." Others, including Americans and Australians say it is the best in the world.

As reported last week in The Wednesday Report, Computing Devices Company (CDC) of Kanata, Ontario was finally awarded on August 28 the CANTASS contract ($89,160,712.00) for 15 shipsets. The company will produce the "dry-end" of CANTASS including its own Shipboard Processing and Display System which comprises the AN/UYS-501 signal processor with its M68020-based CPU set programmed in Ada, and a high resolution display system.

The AN/UYS-501 high-speed processor is an indigenous Canadian development widely regarded as "breakthrough technology". Its signal processing rates are faster than any hitherto possible using existing "data-crunching" equipment and is uniquely able to analyze data while simultaneously tracking multiple targets faster than any other processor in existence.

While CDC supplies the "dry-end" technology, Maritime Command has already acquired the "wet-end" of CANTASS, the SQR-19 towed array from Gould, a U.S. firm owned by Martin Marietta.

The AN/SQR-501 programme (as CANTASS has now been officially designated) actually consists of several projects to provide different elements of the navy with towed array sonar systems. The CDC contract for 15 shipsets provides TASS for the two-phased Canadian Patrol Frigate (CPF) Ship Replacement Programme and for the two Annapolis-class vessels. Domestic prospects for additional shipsets are hinged strongly to the future of the Canadian fleet of submarines.

The programme began as a study initiated by DREA (Defence Research Establishment Atlantic) in 1976. DREA designed a system which was built to commercial specifications by Motorola Limited of Toronto, Ontario. It was further developed by CDC, reduced in size and rebuilt to military specifications. In 1984, an experimental development model of CANTASS was fitted aboardHMCS Fraser, an ASW helicopter (CH-124A) frigate of the St. Laurent-class. In 1987, an Advanced Development Model (ADM) was installed aboard HMCS Annapolis, also an ASW helicopter frigate.

Pivotal to Maritime Command's Anti Submarine Warfare and Undersea Surveillance Fleet, particularly the Canadian Patrol Frigates (CPF), CANTASS is a shipborne system which gives its operator passive surveillance and detection capability as well as classification of surface and subsurface marine traffic. The system will detect, localize and classify activities from great distances without any risk of detection and provides Canada's naval fleet with the much needed ability to monitor activity within Canadian sovereign waters with a minimum commitment of capital ships.

The "wet-end" of CANTASS is made up of the towed array itself, a tow cable, handling gear used to deploy or retract the array and an array receiver. The array is vaguely reminiscent of a fire hose hundreds of feet long, filled with a kerosene solution to provide neutral buoyancy, that houses hundreds of ceramic sensors, passive hydrophones, about the size and shape of black plastic 35 mm film cases. Towed behind the vessel, the array of acoustic sensors mounted to the long, armoured cable listens for "noise" which, if present, is detected in the array's receiver, electronically passed to the AN/UYS-501 processor, displayed on a high resolution monitor, and classified by sonar operators who compare the incoming acoustic "noise" to signatures within an established NATO database or `library' of known vessels and their unique signatures. The ship's sonar officer then acts upon that data as prescribed by the data type and circumstances. CANTASS will also be used to gather new acoustic data for that same NATO data base.

Under the postwar concept of sealifting supplies to NATO Europe in time of conflict, CANTASS would play a significant role in protecting convoys from hostile vessels and would give Canadian combatants a substantial tactical advantage they presently do not have. Deployed on the flanks, stern and in front of a convoy or naval task group, CANTASS-vessels would establish an area of probability within which to conduct a search for hostile submarines. Their shipborne ASW helicopter — now the CH-124A Sea King, eventually to be the EH101 which would more fully exploit the impressive long-range detection properties of the AN/SQR-501 — would fly to the zone, pinpoint and independently or in conjunction with its `mother ship', prosecute hostiles.

Computing Devices Company has been contracted by DND to develop CANTASS hardware and software; perform full system integration, environmental qualification, testing and documentation; and provide all spares. First delivery of CANTASS is expected in 1993 with completion expected in 1995.

The Wednesday Report - Copyright 1990

September 5, 1990



Iraqi President Saddam Hussein has announced the annexation of Kuwait. Was it a mockery of common sense or defiance of the world community? Both. Moreover, it is a tragedy of the Kuwaiti nation and of the Gulf region as a whole where, as we can see, force remains a solid argument in "fraternal" disputes, despite common sense and norms of civilization. Tragically, the Iraqi Army — the most aggressive force in the region is, for the most part, the creation of the Soviet Union. We kept assisting Iraq, following the long-established tradition of giving "military aid to the fraternal regimes" and did not notice that the Iraqi Army, led by the "victorious marshal" Saddam Hussein gradually turned into a monster capable of intimidating not only its neighbours, but other nations as well. According to the data available, Iraq's Armed Forces are stronger and better equipped than the army of any of NATO's European member-states. The threat may extend to other regions as well.

The following information obtained from competent foreign sources deserves careful attention. The one-million-strong Iraqi Army has 5,500 tanks — 4,100 of them are Soviet-made. All of its 1,000 combat infantry vehicles and 7,100 armoured personnel carriers, the LUNA-M and other tactical missiles, transportation helicopters Mi-6, Mi-8 and Mi-17, the 1,000 antiaircraft weapons, and Tu-22 and Tu-16 aircraft were also supplied by the Soviet Union. The share of arms supplies from France, Italy and West Germany is immeasurably smaller.

Of course, these figures were not provided by the U.S.S.R. Ministry of Defence, although they are known to all foreign experts. This is not to say that they constitute a top secret. Not at all. Simply, Soviet arms supplies to foreign countries is considered to be, mildly speaking, a rather delicate issue. It has always been. As we know, during the recent hearings of Defence Minister Yazov and Minister of Foreign Economic Relations Katushev, the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet failed to get a clear answer to the question: Who ran and controlled Soviet arms exports? Who is responsible for this? It looks like no one is to blame. No one seems to be responsible for the fact that the Soviet armaments supplied, say, to Libya in the 1980s, suddenly emerged in other countries, for instance, in Iran and Sudan. The income for such re-export obviously went to Libya, although it refuses to return to us a considerable part of the debt for the basic supplies. Who will bear the responsibility for the fact that it was the Soviet Union that was the first to supply weapons to the explosive Middle East, destabilizing the current military balance between the rivals? What is meant here first and foremost is Tu-22 and Tu-16 medium-range bombers, and Soviet ballistic missiles — the weapons that would regularly spur the arms race in the region.

It looks like high moral principles were alien to our foreign policy. It was believed that it was far more important to have "strong friends" with a "revolutionary anti-imperialist phraseology", clear to our ear, disregarding the fact that many of our "reliable clients" had a reputation, sometimes with good reason, of states encouraging international terrorism.

The recent events have raised a question of a different nature: Did the Soviet reliance on military cooperation through arms supplies to the Third World enhance our own security? A few years ago Soviet generals would have answered in the affirmative. But were they right? I don't think so. Firstly, because the utilization of the supplied armaments was as a rule out of control of our military advisers in those countries. And, secondly, in a region with an unstable political situation it is almost impossible to foresee which target our cannons will choose. Today Iraq has occupied Kuwait, uttering threats against all those who have condemned that brazen act of aggression. But who knows what will happen in Algeria? Who can rule out the possibility of Islamic fundamentalists coming to power in that country?

I am convinced that the escalation of Iraqi aggression and of the conflict it has caused would have been even more sweeping and destructive should it have happened five years ago. "During the Cold War such conflicts had a clearly defined function: using the situations which could undermine stability in this or that region the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. tried to pick on each other a little bit," writes Le Monde. "The epoch of wars at somebody else's expense is gone. On the wave of detente in Europe, Moscow and Washington are trying, on the contrary, to abate and subsequently settle regional conflicts inherited from the Stalin-Brezhnev period."

Indeed, should this have happened five years ago, the world would have looked differently at the fact that the sovereignty of Kuwait had been destroyed by Soviet tanks and that the group of Soviet military experts in Iraq, according to western sources, is led by General Makashov who believes, as we learned recently, that military might and military victories are the sole guarantee of state security. Thank God it is not rivalry but cooperation that determines the Soviet and American efforts to settle the dangerous conflicts in the Persian Gulf.


The Wednesday Report - Copyright 1990

September 5, 1990

U.S. Armed Forces in The Middle East — Assault Force or Defensive Action?

Alexander Shumilin, Moscow


Kuwait's exiled defence minister Sheikh Nawaf al-Ahmed al-Sabah maintains that if he were in command of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia he would order an immediate attack to drive Iraqi troops from his country. "If I was in the position of the U.S. Commander I would not wait one minute," he told journalists in Saudi Arabia where he remains in exile while Iraqi troops occupy his country.

But Saudi Arabia's Defence Minister Prince Sultan said Saudi-based U.S. forces would not be allowed to invade Iraq to rescue U.S. hostages or drive Iraq out of Kuwait. Prompting some consternation within Saudi-based U.S. military command which required the intervention of George Bush Prince Sultan said, "The kingdom of Saudi Arabia is not a theatre for any action that is not defensive for Saudi Arabia," when asked if U.S. Forces in Saudi Arabia would be allowed to launch an invasion to drive Iraq out of Kuwait or rescue U.S. hostages. He told a news conference Saudi Arabia sought a peaceful solution to force Iraq out of Kuwait. "War should only be the last resort, only after all other means have been exhausted."

Iraqi President Saddam Hussein still holds about 10,000 western hostages in Iraq and Kuwait, some as human shields at military sites that would be targets of U.S. and other foreign forces in the Gulf and Saudi Arabia if hostilities broke out.

Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the United Kingdom which has supported the U.S. military build-up with aircraft and warships in the Gulf region, said Iraq's hostages would not influence a decision to strike. "I am afraid we would have in fact to take the necessary action which we feel vital to stop a dictator, even though he still held hostages," she told a television audience in her own country.


U.S. armed forces as well as some of its allies' forces are now deployed extensively throughout the Persian Gulf region. In the waters surrounding the area, U.S. warships along with vessels from more than a dozen nations enforce a United Nations blockade against Iraq. But the presence of four U.S. carrier battle groups suggest that the U.S. is preparing for more than just a blockade. U.S. land forces, cargo operations and Air Force Bases are spreading throughout Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman. Bahrain has agreed to accept Marine F/A-18s, A-6 attack aircraft, AV-8 Harriers and E/A-6 Electronic Warfare (EW) aircraft. F-16C fighters are based in the United Arab Emirates and in Qatar. U.S. Mideast allies, including Israel are to be fortified with U.S.-made equipment.

The U.S. alone has deployed to the region a force of more than 200,000 troops; over 800 combat aircraft including Army Aviation attack and utility helicopters, 360 carrier-based aircraft, 150 Marine aircraft, and over 200 U.S.A.F. planes; and more than 50 ships ranging from carriers and battleships to oilers, replenishment ships and U.S. Marine amphibious assault vessels. Quantities of prepositioned weapons, spare parts, supplies including special desert-weight engine and transmission oils, all aboard the prepositioned ships normally anchored or sailing with U.S. fleets in the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic Oceans, have been moved into the Gulf region and fed to a blossoming military stores-handling and distribution network. More than a dozen large cargo ships are leaving or are in final preparative stages prior to leaving the U.S. in a major sea lift of armour, provisions, and troops.

The Pentagon has not confirmed the size of the troop buildup in the Middle East, but some of the U.S. Army's early-August contracts give a clear indication that certainly there are more than the oft-reported 60,000-odd troops present there. Sidran of Dallas, Texas has received a $17 million rush-order from the U.S. Army for 200,000 "chemsuit" jackets and pants equipped with charcoal impregnated foam liners to protect wearers against toxic gas. Chicago's Belleville Shoe Company has received a rush-order for 200,000 hot-weather boots. A Cincinnati firm, Cinpac, was handed a contract for 3.4 million dozen canned meals, durable enough to withstand the 130 degree temperatures of the Saudi desert.

United Nations Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar reported failure in talks with Iraqi Foreign Minister Tareq Aziz to persuade Iraq to leave Kuwait. He abdicated to the superpowers


The Wednesday Report - Copyright 1990

September 5, 1990

U.S. Armed Forces in The Middle East — Assault Force or Defensive Action?

the role of solving the Gulf crisis. He said he hoped U.S. President George Bush and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev who have both demanded an Iraqi withdrawal, would be able to defuse a "very explosive" situation when they meet in Helsinki next Sunday.

Bush's one-day summit with Gorbachev in Helsinki this coming Sunday is intended to send a signal to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein that the two superpowers are united against him. Differences between Washington and the Kremlin over the handling of the Gulf crisis will be aired, although because of the close proximity to its own borders, the Soviets are likely to apply as much pressure as they can muster to avoid an armed conflict which could have enormous proportions over a lengthy duration.

The desert will soon enter the traditional combat season of the Middle East, the period between mid-September when the heat begins to subside and the onset of winter when temperatures drop below freezing and bitter winds sweep the desert. Respect for the desert weather by military tacticians is historic. The impact of the hostile environment of high winds, pervasive light sand, and torrid heat is so great that throughout the eight-year Iran-Iraq war, both sides launched most of their attacks just before daybreak while the temperatures were bearable and the winds were relatively still.

But political winds blow strong or softly with neither rhythm nor predictability. While George Bush has successfully orchestrated the international condemnation of Saddam over the last month, his administration officials know that the longer the standoff in the Gulf continues, the more difficult it will be to maintain the skillfully obtained unity. An armed attempt to liberate Kuwait from Saddam's troops would have to come before solidarity collapses or before Saddam's manipulative games tear apart the Arab-nations' support for Bush.

Israeli Defence Minister Moshe Arens told Israel television last week, "If he [Saddam Hussein] stays at his post and would still possess the [chemical] weapons, there will be a place for worry in our country, in the whole region and, I think, the whole world." Arens and the prevailing right-wing government of Israel know only too well that his country, perhaps more than Kuwait, has much to lose if the Saddam Hussein regime is allowed to continue flourishing.


NDHQ speculation about what might constitute a follow-on commitment to Canada's "Operation Friction" grew and then subsided last week as tension heightened for Canadian regiments deployed to Oka, Quebec, and as the three-ship task force of "Operation Friction" steamed to Gibraltar, Cypress and eventually the Gulf of Oman.

Among the conjecture was a scenario involving the dispatch of two squadrons of CF-18s to air bases within fellow NATO-member Turkey. Conceivably the aircraft would come from Canada's NATO rapid reinforcement squadrons, 433 Tactical Fighter Squadron at CFB Bagotville, Quebec and 416 Tactical Fighter Squadron at CFB Cold Lake, Alberta. Alternatively, aircraft from the 1 Canadian Air Division (409, 421, and 439 Tactical Fighter Squadrons) would be flown into Turkey from Lahr and Baden-Soellingen, West Germany, depending on time constraints. The surmised scenario put the aircraft into Turkey to stand in as defensive replacements for Turkish units engaged in the Middle East conflict with Iraq. In the event that the Turkish government felt that it was at risk of being attacked, such a move would be appropriate and perhaps required under the fiat of NATO.

In another seemingly less-likely scenario, speculation put Canadian troops on the ground in Saudi Arabia, perhaps Valcartier-based regiments of the former NATO Air-Sea Transportable (CAST) brigade, 5e Groupe-brigade du Canada. Timing of such stratagem, the movement of CF-18 squadrons to a NATO country being the most politically savoury, would depend on the intensity of events there and the resolve of our already preoccupied federal politicians who are currently besieged not by anti-military `peaceniks', but, by Indians.

Footnotes from Page 5

The remainder of the Eisenhower group were in the Atlantic enroute to the Mediterranean at the end of August.

9 Marine amphibious ships carrying part of the 15,000-man 4th Marine Expeditionary Brigade headed to the Middle East are conducting 6th Fleet operations in the Mediterranean. 4 other amphibious ships carrying part of the 4th MEB are in the Atlantic, moving toward the Mediterranean. Other U.S. warships, including the 6th Fleet flagship, the USS Belknap, are in the Mediterranean.

The Wednesday Report - Copyright 1990

September 5, 1990



September 16-19 — The AIAC's "Twenty-Ninth Annual General Meeting" is to be held in the resort area of Whistler Village, British Columbia. The four day event combines an extensive AIAC business agenda with rest and relaxation in the beautiful surroundings of the mountains and offers an enjoyable schedule of activities for members, invited guests, and their spouses. For more information contact Belva M. Neale, Convention Coordinator, (613) 232-4297.

October 4 — The fall meeting of the Forum for Industrial Participation (formerly CIBA) will be held at the Ottawa Congress Centre from 8:30 am to 3:30 pm. The meeting is open to all who wish to attend. For more information please contact Bob Brown, (613) 733-0704.

October 9 — The Canadian Defence Preparedness Association (CDPA) and the Conference of Defence Associations Institute will be cosponsoring a luncheon at the Radisson Hotel, Ottawa from 11:30 am to 2:00 pm. Guest speaker will be Mr. Thomas Callaghan who will discuss Canadian-American defence production sharing arrangements. Tickets may be ordered at $50.00 each by calling (613) 563-1387 or (613) 235-5337.

October 24-25The Financial Post and The Wednesday Report will conduct the fourth annual defence conference for the Canadian defence industry. "A Turning Point for the Defence Industry" will be held at the Westin Hotel in Ottawa. Topics include Soviet Instability; A Changing NATO; and Worldwide Arms Build-Down. "What are the implications for the Canadian defence industry?" Participants will gain insight from those at the centre of change — drawing on expertise from Europe and North America — and advice from those making change an opportunity for the future. For further information contact the Registration Coordinator, FP Conferences, (416) 596-5681.

November 6 — The Canadian Defence Preparedness Association will host a luncheon in Ottawa at which DCDS or ADM Mat will present a brief on the Defence Services programme. For more information contact Mr. Bond at (613) 235-5337.

November 19 — The Canadian Defence Preparedness Association (CDPA) will host "Peace Through Preparedness — The Role of Research and Development", a one-day conference to be held at the Ottawa Congress Centre, beginning with registration at 8:30 am. Speakers featured will be Dr. Stuart Smith and the Honourable Bill Winegard. The fee for CDPA members is $125.00 prior to October 19. Nonmembers may attend at a premium of $75.00 which includes a one-year CDPA membership. For further information please contact CDPA, (613) 235-5337.

May 13-16, 1991 — The fourth European Aerospace Conference will be held at the Maison de la Chimie in Paris. The Association Aéronautique et Astronautique of France, Germany's Deutsche Gesellschaft für Luft-und Raumfahrt and the Royal Aeronautical Society are organizing the conference which will deal primarily with "Launch Bases" and "Satellite Control Systems". Separate symposia will be organized around each topic. This conference, to be attended by well-known specialists, will provide an opportunity to national and multinational agencies, manufacturers, operators and researchers who design, produce, manage or use these large launch and control infrastructures to exchange information and views.

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The Wednesday Report - Copyright 1990

September 5, 1990

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